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By Steve Tsang
From a little-known fishing group on the outer edge of China, Hong Kong constructed into one of many world's so much striking and cosmopolitan towns after a century and a 1/2 British imperial rule. The heritage of Hong Kong, from its profession through the British in 1841 to its go back to chinese language sovereignty in 1997, is an interesting tale of East assembly West. This ebook addresses the altering relatives among the neighborhood chinese language and expatriate groups in 156 years of British rule, and the emergence of a neighborhood id. It explains the significance of China as an element in its improvement and the origins of the so-called "1997 problems," therefore reading the underlying purposes for the increase of a liberal society dedicated to the guideline of legislation with out democracy.
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Additional resources for A Modern History of Hong Kong
70 It was not a city in any real sense. However, as a result of poor translation, it has since generally become known as the ‘walled city of Kowloon’. The 1898 Convention states that ‘the Chinese officials now stationed there shall continue to exercise jurisdiction except so far as may be inconsistent with the militar y requirements for the defence of Hong Kong’. It also states that ‘Chinese officials and people shall be allowed as heretofore to use the road from Kowloon to Hsinan [Xinan]’. 71 It was absurd that Britain should extend the colony to improve its defence but permit the Chinese to maintain a fort in the New Territories.
38 This was to be achieved by the stationing in Beijing of a resident Minister by Britain (and other Western powers) and the creation by the Chinese of an office for foreign affairs, known as the Zongli Yamen. Britain intended to maintain itself as the dominant power in China, maximise its trading and economic advantages in the whole country, and IMPERIAL EXPANSION 35 thus guarded carefully against the prospect of a partition. The unity of China under its central government was therefore highly valued.
67 The negotiations did not properly consider the long-term future status of the colony and the implications for British jurisdiction. Indeed, when the question of jurisdiction came up later, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Joseph Chamberlain, simply pronounced that the New Territories should ‘be treated as an integral part of the colony’. 68 He did not take seriously the prospect that China might reform itself sufficiently to build up the necessary strength to enforce the lease and recover the territory in due course.